Abducted boy goes home, but “sister” remains separated from birth family

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Shenzhen Evening News, February 11, 2011

The headline of Shenzhen Evening News proclaims that the H1N1 virus has made it to Shenzhen, as one tourist from Beijing has died from the disease. Experts, however, say that the flu season only begins next month.

The story of 7-year-old Peng Wenle (彭文乐) has been making the rounds. After being abducted and trafficked more than three years ago, the boy was found with Phoenix journalist Deng Fei’s help, who helped Peng’s father re-post the lost boy’s picture on Sina weibo. This has coincided with Yu Jianrong’s child beggar campaign on Sina weido. Yu, a professor at the China Academy of Social Science and Chairman of its Social Issues Research Center started a campaign on Sina weibo on January 25 to get child beggars reunited with parents in cases of trafficking. Although it has been faced with some criticism, right now at least six children have benefited.

Shenzhen Evening News reports that in Shenzhen, Peng Wenle’s “sister” in the home where he was sold to was also abducted. Today sees a campaign to see him home. She is going by the name Yueyue (粤粤) but disappeared from Guangdong four years ago.

Shenzen Evening News has opened a microblog account to track lost children - especially the ones that have been sent to a rescue center in Shenzhen.

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A national strategic language for China

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China’s national language is known by a variety of names. Called “Mandarin” or “modern standard Chinese” in English, it is officially known as Putonghua (普通话, “common speech”) on the mainland and guoyu (国语, “national language”) in Taiwan. Chinese in general is called hanyu (汉语, “Han language”), which in casual speech often refers to mainstream Mandarin.

The identification of this term with the Han, China’s majority ethnic group, is detrimental to national unity, argues Zhang Wenmu in an essay published in the Global Times last October. The author, a professor at the Centre for Strategic Studies, Beijing University of Aeronautics & Astronautics, studies national security strategy and writes frequently for the Global Times on national security issues. He proposed that China abandon hanyu in favor of a broader term that will better represent its status as the country’s “national strategic language.”

The essay, translated below, is one preliminary result of a grant program at the Shanghai International Studies University to study foreign language development strategy.

Fashioning China’s National Strategic Language

By Zhang Wenmu / GT

An important mark of a modern state, once its peoples have agreed to join together to establish a state, is that from a legal standpoint, clan authority is subordinate to state authority, ethnic self-determination is subordinate to state sovereignty, and ethnic dialects have given way to a national language. A national language is the language in common use by the citizens; dialects are languages in common use by different ethnic groups or regions within the country. Elevating the language of the public from a dialect to a national language is an important sign of the existence of state sovereignty.

The destiny of the state determines the destiny of its people, and the destiny of the people is the destiny of their language. Many languages have been buried in history, and if our focus in language studies is only on details like phonemes and syllables, if we do not pay attention to the life of the language and related political factors, then our research has lost all genuine meaning. If we wish for the world to know and understand China, as we promote the national language, we must step up the formation of China’s strategic language and its use on a world stage.

Here, I would recommend that the concept of a “Chinese language” (中国语, Zhōngguó yǔ) be used in place of “Han language” (汉语, Hànyǔ), and with this as a starting point, shape a national strategic language that occupies a higher position than other ethnic and regional dialects. My reasons are as follows:

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Snow comes to Beijing at last

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Beijing Times, February 10, 2011

After 108 days without effective precipitation, Beijing saw its first snowfall of the season last night. Local papers, including the Beijing Times, filled the front page with late-night photos of the snow’s arrival.

One to two centimeters of accumulation was forecast for most of the city (not, as Xinhua’s English reporting had it, “one to two millimeters”).

The two large headlines beneath the image are Beijing-related as well. The city has received 137,000 applications for the second license plate lottery, the results of which will be announced on the 25th. And a sales manager for Panda brand fireworks has been arrested by police in connection with the death of a reveler early in the morning of the Spring Festival.

Fireworks that exploded unexpectedly killed the thirty-something Mr. Jiang on the spot and injured one of his colleagues. Police found that the Panda brand fireworks they had been setting off were more powerful than legal limits.

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Boom boom boom: The Year of the Rabbit

A video of the fireworks in Beijing set off to celebrate the arrival of the Year of the Rabbit by Jonah Kessel and friends. (See Kessel’s blog for more about how video was produced).

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Hu Yaobang and the Xidan Democracy Wall

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Hu Yaobang image; Source

The following translation is by Andrew Chubb. The Chinese text of this essay originally appeared in Hong Kong’s Cheng Ming magazine in 2004.

Previously by Andrew Chubb’s on Danwei: Xu Wenli: How Chinese dissidents and the Communist Party use the Western media, Guangzhou scenic park suffers gun, harpoon and machete attack and George Morrison’s An Australian in China.

Notes:

Hu Jiwei (胡绩伟) was assistant editor, editor and director of the People’s Daily between 1952 and 1983. According to fellow People’s Daily editor Wang Ruoshui (王若水), Hu was chief editor at the time described in this piece.

Hu Jiwei was an outspoken advocate of press freedom, and was active in the debates throughout the 1980s on press reform, ‘spiritual pollution’ and ‘bourgeois liberalisation’, which eventually resulted in his “reassignment” to another work unit. He also promoted a petition for the repeal of the declaration of martial law during the 1989 Tiananmen crisis. Now living in Hong Kong, Hu was among 23 former high-level Chinese Communist Party officials who published an open letter to Premier Wen Jiabao in October 2010 demanding the constitution be upheld.

Aside from recounting Hu Yaobang’s efforts to guide and urge the Democracy Wall Movement along, this piece reveals some of the workings of Chinese state media at that time. It details how political factions and the figures within them vied for influence over the People’s Daily and attempted to use it to reach the public. At the same time, it is clear that their control was never absolute, but was rather negotiated through relationships with the newspaper’s own leadership, who were themselves political players.

The article also shows that the work of the People’s Daily in relation to Democracy Wall was not producing newspaper articles but internal reports for the exclusive consumption of high-level leaders – a classic example of how Chinese media organisations are not merely the Party’s throat and tongue, they are also its eyes and ears.

The author’s own high position and involvement in the political debates over Democracy Wall and the ‘Four Big Freedoms’ also makes the article an authoritative first-hand account of some of the CCP’s most important political struggles of the time.

Hu Yaobang and the Xidan Democracy Wall

by Hu Jiwei / Chenming, 2004.4

April 15 this year will be the fifteenth anniversary of Comrade Hu Yaobang’s death. For the tenth anniversary in 1999 I wrote a piece called ‘Hu Yaobang and the People’s Daily‘. This year the image of Yaobang has constantly flashed through my mind, leading me to once again reflect deeply. I can say from the bottom of my heart that among the high-level Party leaders I came into contact with, few were as broad-minded, tolerant, receptive,1 and willing to act on behalf of the people and take responsibility for the consequences, as Hu Yaobang. We might say he was the most democratically-spirited top-level leader in the history of the CCP, the one who, more than any other, took the point of view of the people.

I have already written much about what I know of his deeds, mainly from when he began leading the rehabilitation of victims of false charges and unjustly or incorrectly handled cases. However, I have not brought up what he did before that, including during the time of the Xidan Democracy Wall. In accordance with the situation concerning Hu Yaobang since his death, there has not been much description of these matters. Hence, in this commemorative article, I will recount his circumstances and thinking during the Xidan Democracy Wall period in order to fill the historical gap.

To summarise Hu Yaobang’s conduct and actions during this time, he showed a close concern and enthusiastic support for the Xidan Democracy Wall, and made every effort to guide the movement.

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Holiday ends, rates up, kids found, Sudan splits

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New Express, February 9, 2011

China’s central bank raised interest rates for the first time this year, reports the top headline of today’s New Express and a host of other newspapers.

The quarter-point hikes, the third increase since mid-October, bring the one-year lending rate to 6.06% and the deposit rate to 3% and are intended to curb inflation. The announcement was made on the final day of the week-long Spring Festival holiday.

Also showing up on many front pages today is the story of child beggars reuniting with their families due to the efforts of journalists, celebrities, and the online community at large. A microblog campaign is underway to publicize photos of child beggars in the hopes that their parents will recognize them, and Han Hong, an entertainer who also serves as a national legislative advisor, will submit a proposal at the upcoming sessions to crack down on child kidnapping.

At the bottom of the page is a headline reporting on southern Sudan’s secession referendum, which will officially split the country into two parts in July.

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Director Pi San on his Year of the Rabbit animation

Australian ABC television’s Stephen McDonell news package on the violent bunny animation, including interviews with the director and Danwei’s Jeremy Goldkorn. See also transcript.

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Charter flights to Egypt to bring back Chinese citizens

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The Beijing Times, February 1, 2011

The Beijing Times‘ front page features a large photo of an Air China plane at Capital Airport in Beijing. The plane is apparently one of the charter flights the government is currently sending to Egypt to bring back Chinese citizens who were in the north African country when the mass demonstrations started.

The article does not mention the fuss kicked up on the Internet yesterday (see Weibo posting, in Chinese) after it emerged that a group of Chinese film industry officials and business people were put on the first plane, leaving a group of primary school children behind.

The top headline on the front page is “Blood alcohol tests not the only admissible evidence of drunk driving”. The article concerns people who are stopped by police on suspicion of drunk driving and then run away, only to turn themselves in after they have sobered up.

The article quotes a supreme court judge saying that witness testimony about a suspect’s consumption of alcohol, drunken behavior or the strong smell of alcohol on his or her person may also be admissible as evidence of drunk driving.

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Global Times says Egypt’s future debated by the West

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Global Times, January 31, 2011

The Chinese edition of today’s Global Times declares that the West is trying to decide which direction Egypt is going!

The sub-headline is Some people want Mubarak to go; Some people are worried the Middle East will collapse.

World censorship blog aggregator Global Voices Online records the microblog censorship of the Chinese characters for Egypt (埃及) and Cairo (开罗). It emerged today that using pinyin and English were still OK.

On the two different approaches, the Wall Street Journal reports:

China’s state media have provided limited coverage of the unrest in Egypt, including the scores of reported deaths, the cutting of Internet and cellphone access, and President Hosni Mubarak’s appointment of a vice president. Most newspapers, television stations and news portals have stuck closely to the official Xinhua reports, which they have not featured prominently, while refraining from independent reporting or commentary.

One of the only exceptions was the Global Times, a popular tabloid published by China’s Communist Party, which said in a commentary in English and Chinese on Sunday that “color revolutions” couldn’t achieve real democracy.

The headline surrounded by purple is about a “King of Gambling” Stanley Ho who has “moved” Macau because of his splitting of his huge fortune to his family.

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Diary of an alien in Beijing

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E2MAN takes in the old Beijing Amusement Park (2011.01.28)

How would an alien comprehend everyday life in Beijing?

On January 10, one extraterrestrial started microblogging its reactions to the city. E2MAN, a Grey, snaps photos of its travels throughout Beijing, applies vintage filters, and posts them with short, untranslated comments.

E2MAN now has more than 22,000 followers. It also follows some 370 people itself, presumably, in the analysis of a netizen quoted in the Changjiang Daily, “to better understand Earth culture.”

The following post, made on January 14, is lengthier than most; one supposes that it describes E2MAN’s shock and outrage over Beijing’s high cost of housing:

﹌〃∏〒∷∝≒≡∩∴〒∷∝⊙∵≒∏∮∩∨∽∈¤¤≯≡弓≒〒~∴﹌∠⌒∨≒﹌∨/﹌§〃§≌≒≡∏∮长∝⊙〃∵≒≌∩∴﹌﹌〃〒∵≒⊙∵≌∫≌≒≡∏∮∝⊙∵≒≌∩∨≒

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Is it performance art? Or stealth marketing for a product to be revealed later, as some cynics have predicted? As gimmicky microblogs go, this one’s pretty interesting, and it is equally accessible (or opaque) to readers both inside and outside of China.

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