Sex in China: Q&A with author Richard Burger

Richard Burger is the blogger behind Peking Duck, a record of his thoughts on China since 2003, when he first wrote about being in Beijing during SARS. Burger is also the author of Behind the Red Door: Sex in China, published by Earnshaw Books this week. He answered questions from Danwei by email about his new book.

Why did you write this book and how did you research it?
About ten months ago I was approached by Earnshaw Books, which was looking for a writer to put together a book on sex in China that would be accessible to mainstream audiences. Most books on the topic tend to be academic in nature. The point of this book was to pull together the existing conversations about sex in China, synthesize them with fresh research and updated data and produce a cohesive narrative that was engaging and informative.

The publisher gave me a large amount of research,including a series of interviews conducted with pimps and prostitutes, sex shop owners, sex therapists, karaoke club owners and “sex detectives” hired by suspicious spouses. These put a human face on the story of sex in contemporary China and also provide some of the book’s most poignant material. Aside from these interviews I did a large amount of research myself — my work area at home is still stacked with copies of books on the subject, research papers, doctoral theses and newspaper articles. In addition, I conducted several of my own interviews, speaking with Chinese people via Skype, email and the old-fashioned telephone. Ethnographer Tricia Wang, for example, specializes in the field of Chinese migrant workers and their adoption of technology. She gave me a wonderful interview via Skype.

How much detail do you go into about contemporary Chinese people’s sex lives?
I think the book goes into considerable detail, though there’s always more that can be added. The chapter on dating, for example, offers a detailed look at the courtship process, pre-marital sex, the demands of many Chinese men that their wives be virgins, etc. A lengthy section on Muzimei and the Internet explores the shift in the consciousness of many Chinese women as they increasingly see sex as a means of pleasure and gratification, not just for procreation. The book also goes into great detail on the lives of prostitutes in China today, as well as the lives of gay men and lesbians.

What’s the main difference between sex in China and sex in the USA?
Despite the increase in premarital sex — sexologist Li Yinhe says about 60 percent of urban Chinese people today engage in it — a lot of the old taboos and beliefs about sex remain in place. Chinese men for the most part are unwilling to approach a woman who makes more money or has a higher education than he does. Many still want their wives to be virgins, despite the fact that so many are having premarital sex. Tens of thousands of Chinese women every year go so far as to have surgery to restore their hymens or buy artificial hymens that seep artificial blood. The gap is closing in the major cities, which are becoming ever more Westernized, but even there Chinese traditional values rub up against new attitudes fostered by China’s sexual revolution. Serial dating is still frowned upon (though that’s changing, too), parents are included in the decision to marry, and public displays of affection are far less common outside of the big cities than they are everywhere in the West. Sex education is also drastically different; in China it barely exists at all and focuses on biology with little to no discussion on the social aspects of sex or sexual morality.

Prostitution is a vast industry in China. Despite its ubiquity, it’s a business that somehow remains in the shadows. How do you tackle this subject in the book?
The chapter on the sex trade is one of the longest and most detailed in the book. First it looks at China’s long history of prostitution, from ancient times to the Mao era. It looks at how different dynasties handled sex for sale. During the Tang Dynasty, for example, prostitutes were so tolerated, they were registered with the state so taxes could be collected. Under the Manchu dynasty prostitution was outlawed but it thrived anyway. Only under Mao was prostitution eradicated, or at least made invisible.

For me, the most moving part of the book is an interview with an actual middle-aged prostitute in Shanghai who tells why she was forced to enter the sex trade and her evolution from giving hand jobs in movie theaters to a street walker to a call girl. She talks about what her life was like and how she was forced to sleep with corrupt police, her struggle to feed and educate her children, etc.

I also spend several pages describing China’s tiered system of prostitution. There are different opinions on exactly how many tiers there are because there is overlap. I focus on seven tiers, as broken down by the Shanghai police in the 1990s. These tiers start with the ernai (二奶), or second wife, up at the top — she is for all intents and purposes a concubine employed by one “customer,” almost always a wealthy businessman or official, who pays her rent and gives her a salary. Strictly speaking, an ernai is not quite a prostitute since she don’t sell her body to multiple customers. At the very bottom are the xiagongpeng, literally “down by the shack.” These are the lowest-end prostitutes who sell their wares to migrant workers at their work shacks. They receive a pitiably low payment and often will work for food. I detail the other five tiers in-between, such as dance hall girls, street walkers and massage parlor workers.

What was the pre-modern Chinese attitude to homosexuality?
If people are going to be startled by anything in the book I think it might be the section on homosexuality in imperial China. For centuries it was widely practiced, mainly by the literati and ruling classes, though there is plenty of evidence of same-sex love between ordinary Chinese, even in the countryside. As long as these men married and had children, it was acceptable for them to carry on affairs with men outside the home. Many emperors kept male lovers along with their harems of concubines. Han Dynasty scribes actually catalogued the emperors’ male lovers. Homosexuality was not an identity, it was something men simply did for entertainment, and often to display their class privilege. They were not “gay” — they were married men who carried on with men for amusement and pleasure. With the advent of the Beijing opera and the inflow of “song boys” who performed them, male same sex love soared in the late 19th century as many middle and upper-class men sought the company of these effeminate young boys, who always played the passive role and often dressed in female clothing. This didn’t come to an end completely until the early twentieth century.

When did homsexuality become a crime of hooliganism? When was this changed? How has life changed for gays and lesbians in China over the last two decades? 
Early in Mao’s rule homosexuality was labeled both a psychological disorder and an act of hooliganism. Most gays at the time had no idea there were millions like them, and believed something was wrong with them. Men could only meet other men in parks and public toilets, where they risked arrest. Punishments varied in different parts of China. Some men were charged a fine, others put in jail, and often they were ostracized in their danwei, where they lived the rest of their lives in stigmatization.

It was only in 1997 that homosexuality was decriminalized and four years later it was removed from the official list of mental illnesses. Gay bars opened in the early 1990s and gays in urban areas became part of a community. The days of parks and toilets as the only option was over. Nevertheless, gays still succumb to the pressure to marry — more than 80 percent do so — and are forced to live a life of secrecy. This is tragic both for them and for their spouse, whose needs cannot be fulfilled.

What effect have sex blogger Muzi Mei and prominent sexologist Li Yinhe had on Chinese attitudes to sex and the public discussion of them?
Muzimei was a seminal force (so to speak) in China’s sexual revolution. She brought the topic of sex for the sake of sex into the public discourse and created a debate over the morality of having multiple sex partners. She became a role model to perhaps millions of women and made the topic of sex far less taboo. She also generated a lot of animosity and condemnation in the media. She helped tear down old barriers, and there has been no going back.

It’s hard to measure Li Yinhe’s influence. Most of what she advocated never came to fruition. But among the well educated she certainly expanded the dialogue about sex and often shocked the public with her bold recommendations, such as the decriminalization of prostitution, making it legal for gays to marry, freedom to engage in any kind of sex, including orgies, without fear of punishment, etc. Any examination of sex in China is inevitably loaded with references to Li. I cite her twenty times in my book.

Links and sources
Amazon: Behind the Red Door: Sex in China
Richard Burger’s blog: Peking Duck
Tricia Wang: Mapping the city, first stop: sex workers
Danwei: A brief history of Chinese porn, People’s Pornography – An interview with Katrien Jacobs
Li Yinhe – Group sex and the Cultural Revolution, a translation, Chinese sociologist Lі Уіnhe on rural problems, Muzi Mei resurfaces, Doggy style in Guangzhou

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Taxpayers are not ATMs

social-security1-115x115

This is the 1510 Digest, a weekly roundup of recent essays and articles published in Chinese on My1510.cn, with links to translations on the Marco Polo Project.

This week’s digest presents three articles exploring questions of social justice from three different perspectives – a call for improving the social security system in the name of freedom, an appeal for developing a responsible culture in the use of public money, and a description of hardships experienced in rural areas.

Reflections on the social security issue
By Su Shi, 06 August 2012
Discussions on freedom in China generally focus on political freedom, voting rights, and censorship. This article takes a different approach, reflecting on the question of social security, and its role in personal freedom. Adopting a Marxist approach against the tenants of economic liberalism, it advocates the development of a stronger social security system in China, out of a sense of justice, but also as a way to increase stability.
At present, economic liberalism dominates Chinese discussions on economic policy and, accordingly, improving the social security system is rejected as ‘a road to serfdom’. However, Su Shi argues that the existing system actually favours the rich, putting the poor at a double disadvantage. The result is political opportunism, and the rise of the so-called ‘Mao Left’ as an outlet for dissatisfaction, which may threaten political stability.
Social security was first rejected as harming competitiveness; more recently, it has been described as harming private property – the cornerstone of liberalism. Yet, based on his reading of Locke, Su Shi argues that the legitimacy of private property is limited, and should not lead to waste. Also, based on the studies of various American theorists, protecting private property costs more to the State than social security – which can be interpreted as the poor paying for the rich to be protected.
Su Shi then argues that economic security is a pre-requisite for actual freedom – giving people the courage to embrace it. Even further, developing social security, by encouraging people to embrace freedom, may limit the powers of the State, something economic liberals should desire. Some critiques argue that social security would encourage laziness, but humans have spiritual aspirations, and the sense of security given by a solid welfare State would be more likely to encourage creativity, and lead to a more skilful population – as happens in Europe. Finally, a solid social security system would lead to a more rational and humane way of dealing with accidents, providing adequate compensation to victims without an undue burden falling on innocent bystanders.
Marco Polo translation: Reflections on the social security issue
Original link: 关于社会保障问题的几点思考

Taxpayers are not ATMs
By Feng Qingyang, 10 August 2012
This article is a meditation on the theme of ‘no taxation without representation’. It starts from the following premise: Chinese people bear a heavy fiscal burden, with over a third of the country’s revenue going to the government in direct and indirect taxes. Yet most of them are not fully aware of that load, and, more importantly, have not developed a sense of their rights as taxpayers. The government should not treat citizens as ATMs, argues Feng Qingguan, but consider itself a stewart of the public money, and spend it in the most effective and responsible manner. Tax culture should also change, the citizens become more aware that their money should be spent on works that benefit them, and be given a right to monitor government spending.
Marco Polo translation: Taxpayers are not ATMs
Original link: 别把纳税人当自动提款机

Some reflections on rural life in China
By Hang, 16 August 2012
This post focuses on the hardships faced by residents of Chinese rural areas. The author, an educated urban worker, returns to his hometown for a few months, and tells of his experience there. First, he describes the realities of rural life, far from the visions of rural idyll he developed in the city. Farmers are smart, and people have their own philosophy of life, but the dominant feeling is sadness at the hopelessness of the farming condition: bitter toil, meagre rewards. Then, he focused on the question of family planning and its implementation in rural China. Chinese people have traditionally relied on children for security, but family planning has become an important task in the face of decreasing resources and expanding population. Yet, in rural areas, the operations of family planning are first of all an occasion for corruption and bribery – or even practices closer to proper extortion, much worse than the government abuses which urban residents are exposed to.
Marco Polo translation: Some reflections on rural life in China
Original link: 关于中国农村生活的一些感想

All articles in this digest and a large range of other Chinese readings are accessible at Marcopoloproject.org. Some are available in English, French and Spanish translation. (You can join the project if you’d like to help with translations.)

Danwei is an affiliate of the Australian Centre on China in the World at The Australian National University. This posting is a result of one project that is part of that on-going collaboration.

China Heritage Quarterly and East Asian History are two other publications supported by the Australian Centre on China in the World.

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Guangzhou pays best

The front page of the New Express (新快报) from Guangzhou today reports on new statistics released by China’s National Bureau of Statistics showing that Guangzhou in 2011 had the highest average salary among 22 provincial capitals and four municipalities in China, namely 57,473 yuan.

Guangzhou narrowly beat out Beijing, where the average salary is 56,061 yuan; Nanjing came in third place with 54,713 yuan. The statistics also revealed that when private companies are not included, the national urban average salary for China was 42,452 yuan. Average salaries in 11 cities exceeded the national average, namely Guangzhou, Beijing, Nanjing, Hangzhou, Shanghai, Yinchuan, Shenyang, Wuhan, Hefei, Changsha and Taiyuan.

The highest average salaries, New Express points out, are still paid in the eastern part of China; provincial capitals in the central part of China like Chongqing and Chengdu are still towards the end of the list.

The picture on the front page is of a performance by two artists in Wuhan for an event marking Chinese valentine’s day.

Note: Although this and various other articles reporting on these statistics did not make it absolutely clear, the statistics reported on here refers to public sector employees only, and hence excludes salaries paid in the private sector.

Links and sources
New Express (新快报) (26省会城市平均工资广州居首)
More Front Page of the Day Stories

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Was Liu Xiang’s Olympic flop all a set-up?

Dongfang Weibao 23 Aug 12

The front page of the Oriental Guardian (东方卫报) today speculates on the conspiracy theories surrounding hurdler Liu Xiang’s Olympic race.

At 17:47 on 7 August, countless Chinese people collectively cried out in anguish when Liu Xiang fell on the first hurdle of his Olympic race. Yet the CCTV commentator Yang Jian did not sound at all surprised; in fact, as some Chinese web users have speculated, Yang sounded as if he anticipated that Liu would fall. As if confirming what many people were already suspecting, revelations from a CCTV Olympic report discussion forum yesterday confirmed that CCTV knew before the race the grave extent of Liu Xiang’s injury.

According to the story that leaked out from the CCTV discussion board, Yang Jian prepared a contingency version of the commentary should Liu Xiang somehow succeed in the race, but the version he expected to use – and did use – was to describe how Liu Xiang crashed out – hence him not sounding very surprised when it happened.

Many Chinese web users also believed that the entire episode, including Liu Xiang’s fall, was some kind of set-up. The dramatic fall at the first hurdle, the kissing of the hurdle, the forlorn hopping along the track – it all seemed like a staged event.

Yet despite all these critical views, Oriental Guardian cautions its readers not to demonize Liu Xiang. He in all likelihood took a great risk in still deciding to run the race, betting with great odds against his injury that he might still somehow be able to make it to the finishing line. Its unfortunately a bet that he lost big time.

 

Links and sources
Oriental Guardian (央视赛前就知道刘翔伤重杨健含泪解说是设计好的)
More Front Page of the Day stories

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Six days in Hong Kong’s Occupy Central

Occupy Central

28 days after the Occupy Wall Street protests started in New York on 17 September 2011, activists began gathering in the walkthrough plaza underneath the HSBC bank building, in Central district, Hong Kong. The initial group of activists were young and vocally anti-capitalist. But as their numbers dwindled, homeless people — the bottom 1% of the 99% — also began inhabiting the plaza. By the time I arrived in the camp on 15 July 2012, the Activists had stopped living there full-time, the Homeless were occupying the space, and HSBC had filed a court request to have the camp removed.

What follows is a diary of Occupy Central with notes on both groups – Activists and Homeless – who in the past ten months have occupied the southern third of HSBC plaza.

Monday 15 July

Occupy Central’s ostensible caretaker Alan Chiu.

Alan Chiu, a bespectacled former systems consultant who tied his greying hair up in a ponytail, said around 20 Occupy Central Activists were still regularly protesting at the site, though as of the camp’s six-month mark they had stopped living there. Now, he said, the group held meetings on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday evenings. Chiu said he had been with Occupy Central since the start, and was the only protestor I met that still spent substantial time at camp outside of the activists’ meetings. Chiu’s anger with Hong Kong’s government was still burning strong when we spoke.

“Public officers have taken extra authority, but no responsibility at all,” he said. A Marxist who hates the CCP, Chiu still dropped by the camp most days to check up on residents and generally served as a hands-off caretaker. Despite his dedication to Occupy Central, Chiu’s name did not appear among the defendants in HSBC’s court filing to have the protestors removed.

Aside from a blanket listing of “The occupiers of the ground floor of 1 Queen’s Road Central, Hong Kong”, the bank named three main defendants, two Homeless and one Activist: Wong Chung Hang, Ho Yiu Shing, and Mui Kai Ming. The first is an older Fujianese gentleman who cannot care for himself and relies largely on other camp members for food. The second, who prefers the title Master Ho, splintered off from the movement following an altercation over leadership — the Activists didn’t want any — to form his own encampment nearby. The third is the brother of deceased Hong Kong film and music star Anita Mui Yim-Fong and is connected with Occupy Central through his participation in protests over HSBC’s handling of his sister’s will. Though I never saw him during my time in camp, Mui recently told the Associated Press that he would “absolutely” not leave Occupy Central.

Wong Chung Hang’s name also shows up in notes provided by HSBC to the courts covering the one and a half hours that three bank representatives spent at the camp on the morning of Tuesday, May 29. According to the three pages of notes — a sliver amongst the inch-thick stack of records and surveillance photographs submitted by the bank alongside its petition as evidence — the representatives met with both Wong and Master Ho. Wong is given one sentence of description: “After the Representatives notified Mr Wong about the Bank’s request, Mr Wong seemed calm and receptive.” Under a final section titled “Observations after the discussion with the Group and Mr. Ho” the report stated that “The Occupiers understood the message conveyed by the Bank and the reason why the Representatives were there to talk to them.” Wong’s own understanding of the situation receives no comment.

The notes also mention that the Occupy Central activists present during the visit told the representatives they personally rejected its offer to assist them in vacating the premises — a claim corroborated by the Activists’ own accounts — before adding that the movement would need to hold discussions before reaching a collective decision–a process they said could take months and involve up to a thousand people.

By the time I arrived even Alan Chiu had stopped participating in the Activists’ meetings, though he was still on friendly terms with them. I learned of their schedule from him when he suggested I come back the following evening at 10 pm.

Tuesday 17 July, 10pm

Occupy Central activists chat as they wait for fellow members of the movement.

The Activists that did show up on time occupied themselves as they waited for the rest to show up. The trails of cigarette smoke slowly multiplied above the camp’s den, and an iPhone pumped out rock music from a pair of tinny portable speakers. Some members surfed on their various Apple gadgets (iPads, iPhones, a Macbook Pro) while others painted watercolors or recorded their cohorts using high-end SLR and video cameras. The Activists all ate Subway on Tuesdays, I was told, to take advantage of a two-for-one deal. Also popular was imported Heinekin, an empty six pack of which soon sat crushed on a nearby coffee table.

During the meeting the camp’s residents mostly snoozed in tents or on the remaining open couches, though one elderly man decided to treat the Activists as a captive audience for his renditions of classic Cantonese songs. After about an hour his tremulous falsetto tapered off, allowing Winnie Lee to introduce herself. Lee, a Singaporean immigrant with a squirrely disposition, said she’d worked in Hong Kong for ten years. While she and her six-year-old daughter didn’t live in the camp, Lee said they often came by for the company and free food. When I asked what she thought of the Activists, Lee laughed.

Occupy Central resident Charles Lecroart shares a meal with Winnie Lee and her daughter.

“Hong Kong is a great place for bullshit. In
 China everybody has to shut up, but in Hong 
Kong people can talk all they want,” Lee said,
 waving a hand toward the Activists, who were
 talking to members of a visiting youth union.

“They all just talk talk talk, it seems like they do
 nothing.”

At around midnight Charles Lecroart, 
a tall Belgian with a five o’clock shadow and 
short curly hair, walked into camp with 
sandwiches, pasta, bread and boxes of mango
 juice. Lecroart said he’d passed out drunk one
 night on a sofa in Occupy Central and decided to stay when he woke up. “In Hong Kong you see a lot of people alone that need help,” Lecroart said. “Here, they can help each other.”

I picked up a loaf from the table to check its price: $118, or about two fifths of what a Hong Kong resident working for minimum wage earns in a 10-hour day with no meal breaks. Curiosity piqued, I asked where Lecroart had gotten the food.

Wednesday 18 July, Dumpster diving in Hong Kong

22 hours later I found myself nervously standing watch as Lecroart and two university students pulled garbage bags from the dumpsters of an organic supermarket. I’d been brought along on the condition that I not reveal the store’s name or location, lest word get out and the food supply dry up. The students were members of the Leftovers, a squad of charitable dumpster divers who filch food bound for the dump and delivered it to local shelters for the indigent. The bags held a bounty of premium comestibles marked up and marketed to Hong Kong’s health-conscious, all still sealed in air-tight packages inside the black waterproof sacks.

A mountain of food large enough to feed a dozen families quickly grew at my feet: baguettes, fresh pasta, sticky-sweet mochi cakes, styrofoam bowls packed with rice, prime cuts of beef, 16 bottles of premium soymilk and tray after tray of sushi slipped from the black bags. I had finally loosened up enough to start tallying the payload when an angry voice came from the doorway behind me:

“Careful!”

I spun around to see Mark from Minnesota step out of the shadows. Mark was a permanently barefoot American with with long stringy hair and a scraggly goatee. His glasses weren’t the right prescription, but he had managed to preserve one of his own contact lenses which he occasionally popped in to read a battered copy of H. G. Wells’s The War of the Worlds. The Chinese government had deported Mark to Hong Kong after arresting him for traveling illegally in Tibet on an expired visa — though not before putting him in a Chengdu prison for 30 days.

“What are you doing out here in the open?” Mark asked, pointing up at a security camera fixed on the patch of well-lit asphalt where most of the food lay. “You’ve got to get over in the shadows or the guards will see you!” he said.

Defendant Wong Chung Hang.

When all the food had been retrieved, the group split up the night’s haul. The Leftovers took about half of it to give to homeless shelters, and about a third went back to Central for the Occupy camp. Mark announced he would take the remainder to some vagrants near the Kowloon ferry terminal. On the way he explained he wasn’t doing so out of the goodness of his heart: “I just hate to see food wasted,” he said. Mark said he’d been surprised when he arrived in Hong Kong that nobody he spoke to had heard of dumpster diving; the Leftovers squad had formed under his guidance.

As we approached the HSBC building I asked him why he’d stopped living in Central after two and a half months. He said it was because life in Central was too comfortable, too easy. “Getting attached makes you weak,” he said.

Back in camp Alan Chiu, Charles Lecroart, Winnie Lee, her daughter, Master Ho and a few others were gathered in the dining area feasting on the harvest from the dumpsters. Two passing tourists from the Atlantic African islands of Cape Verde had come into camp to ask what it was, only to be treated to dinner. Sitting nearby in one half of a love seat and mumbling softly to himself was Wong Chung Hang, the addled man from Fujian listed as a defendant in the HSBC court papers. Mark from Minnesota, who liked to refer to Wong as his Fujianese grandpa, offered him a plate of tofu and encouraged him to eat a little. With a bit of coaxing Wong began shakily spooning the bean curds into his mouth.

Thursday, 19 July

When I arrived in camp Thursday evening the Activists were busy cleaning up the camp’s eastern third—everything but the tents. Watching from the dining area Mark remained caustically aloof. “It’s great,” he said, “I just wish they’d do stuff like this more often.”

Occupy Central activists talk to visiting members of a Hong Kong youth union.

As the other Activists spruced things up I sat down with Chin Tang, a freelance designer who said she had been with the movement from the beginning. Chin said the group had decided not to fight HSBC in court on account of having rejected the legitimacy of the government, as well as the concept of private property. She said the camp served as a commons where possession was meaningless and everything was available to anyone who needed it. “We believe that humans can gather together by themselves. We don’t have to be ruled by the government,” Chin said. “We also have a policy of not calling the police.”

Asked for an example, Chin smiled and said that the week before a man with a sword had entered the camp and begun stroking the inner thighs of every woman present with the blade. When talking failed to make him stop she said the group decided to spray the man with bottles of detergent until he ran off rather than call the authorities. I suggested this kind of tactic might not work on the authorities if the High Court ruled against Occupy.

“We are planning on doing something after they clear us out, but I don’t…” Chin said, trailing off. She paused, then told me she’d rather the group not lose the element of surprise. After our conversation she rejoined her friends and together they sorted through piled-up rubbish and reminisced over old anti-capitalist banners from the camp’s salad days.

Friday, 20 July

The following evening found members of the group “Photo Now” using Occupy Central as a venue for their photo gallery. I recognized some of them as Activists who had cleaned up camp the night before. The photographers had hung glossy prints of their work on the laundry lines which ran through the ladders along the camp’s northern border. On a table next to the bookshelf housing the camp’s library of subversive literature they had set out bottles of Italian White wine from high-end supermarket Marks and Spencer. The show had drawn a crowd which held steady at arond 20 to 30 people throughout the evening and managed to attract a few journalists from local publications. But this turnout was dwarfed by those meeting in the camp on the other side of the ladders, where around 50 people had gathered for Central’s eighth monthly ‘Book X Change’.

Participants in the Book X Change brought their favorite books to each month’s meeting, swapped them with fellow members, then returned a month later to share their thoughts with the group via bullhorn. Francesca Chin, there to share her impressions for the first time, said she had heard about the club from a friend. Chin — whose next read would be Yu Hua’s China in Ten Words — said the books most members brought reflected issues which loomed large in the city’s collective consciousness, such as its ambivalent relationship with the Mainland and a pervasive anxiety over the possible rollback of rights. She said the group was unique in Hong Kong. “Before the meetings you’re strangers,” Chin said, “but after, you’re friends.”

Monday, 23 July

At around 6 pm a reporter from Ming Po magazine was interviewing three Activists in the camp’s den, on the north side of which the laundry lines had been stripped of photos to protect them from typhoon Vicente’s imminent landfall. Gloria, an Italian woman who could usually be found lying inert on a couch in the camp’s southeast corner, ambled over and made an announcement:

“I want to get a picture of your cock tomorrow.”

Frequent visitor Mark from Minnesota chats with camp residents on the night of Typhoon Vicinte.

She ambled off leaving my eyebrows an inch higher, but the Activists hardly missed a beat. At around 9:15pm emergency klaxons wailed warning of typhoon Vicente. Most of the HSBC plaza’s storm doors rumbled shut, leaving only two openings on either side. The Activists had left, but the Ming Po reporter had stayed to interview the camp’s residents. While she spoke with Alan Chiu, whose eyes bulged as he skimmed the book about the Occupy phenomenon she had brought with her, wave after wave of pedestrians hurried past the camp toward the subway station on the building’s north side.

Later that night and shortly before meteorologists announced Vicente had become a class 10 typhoon, Mark from Minnesota had stumbled into camp soaking wet and dazed. He dropped the hulking bags of food he’d brought from across the harbor and stumbled around a bit, clutching his back. At about 1am the plaza’s storm doors shut completely in the face of the strongest typhoon to hit Hong Kong in over a decade. Outside the winds tore up the young palms which lined the city’s streets and snapped the trunks of old-growth trees with roots deep in the island’s mountainside forests. Safely ensconced, the residents of Occupy Central were warm, dry and full. The next morning I woke up to find Leon Head, an older British resident, grinning at me.

“Slept like a baby, you did,” Head said.

Next Monday, August 27

An overhead view of the camp’s living area.

On August 13 Hong Kong’s High Court ruled that HSBC could evict Occupy Central so that the bank could maintain the plaza as a pedestrian throughway. Magistrate Reuden Lai told Agence France-Presse that “[t]he defendants can’t provide sufficient reason to continue to live on the property so the court has decided to allow the plaintiff to take back the property.” The deadline for occupants to leave the plaza is 9 p.m. on August 27, the time of which dovetails with HSBC’s request to the court for permission to remove the camp outside of office hours for fear of possible resistance or negative publicity.

Links and sources

Occupy Central website
Occupy Central Facebook page
Photo Now Facebook page
Occupy Central Hong Kong Protesters Enter Their Second Day
Hong Kong: Why Occupy Central?
Hong Kong court approves ‘Occupy’ eviction
Hong Kong: Occupy Activists To Be Evicted

Other stories by Hudson Lockett on Danwei
Photos of Hong Kong’s anti-national education protest 
The uncertain return of Beijing wildlife
Xie Yan and the fight against bad conservation laws
Hudson Lockett on Twitter @KangHexin

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Gu Kailai and the trapped mouse

This Morning 6 O’Clock, August 21 2012

In a courtroom in Hefei yesterday morning, Gu Kailai 谷开来 was sentenced to death with a two-year reprieve for the murder of British businessman Neil Heywood. Like many of today’s newspapers, Six O’Clock This Morning (今晨6点), a commercial paper based in Yantai, Shandong Province, noted the outcome in a front-page headline. The paper also quoted Gu’s assessment of the case: “I feel that the verdict is just, and that it demonstrates the court’s particular respect for the law, for reality, and for life.”

Gu’s appearance at yesterday’s sentencing (shown in the photo), and during the 9 Aug trial, seems far less glamorous than how she looks in older photographs circulating online. Even if rumors of a body double are paranoid conspiracy theories, there’s no question that she’s grown fatter and more fatigued during her detention.

Beneath Gu’s photo, in an interesting layout decision that captured the attention of media-focused microbloggers, the paper ran a teaser for a quirky news story about a mouse that somehow got itself trapped inside a beer can. The headline: Slim down to get out.

Another interesting Gu Kailai-themed front page appeared on the Shenzhen Evening Post (深圳晚报) on 9 August. With an image of a gavel in between head shots of Gu and Heywood, the headline reads: Bo Gu Kailai murder case; Court case opens today in Hefei. The front page of this newspaper has since been deleted from the website of the Shenzhen Evening Post. 

Links and Sources

Six 6 O’Clock This Morning: 薄谷开来故意杀人判死缓, 偷油吃的小老鼠改喝酒了
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Puyi’s former home demolished — but when?

Puyi and Li Shuxian in front of their still-standing residence.

Puyi’s final residence is no more. A house formerly occupied by last emperor of the Qing Dynasty was so badly damaged in the rainstorm that flooded Beijing at the end of July that it had to be pulled down, The Beijing News reported on August 15.

The western-style property in Xicheng District was home to Puyi and his wife Li Shuxian 李淑贤 from 1963 to his death in 1967. Historian Chen Guangzhong 陈光中 told the paper that although the property was not designated a historic landmark, it was nevertheless was historically significant as a witness to the Emperor’s transformation into an ordinary citizen. Sun Tiexiang 孙铁祥, a district land management official, said that the house would be rebuilt on the same site. Reports in other Beijing-based newspapers such as the China Daily and Global Times told much the same story.

The condemned property has the street address #64 South Caochang Hutong 南草厂胡同64号. The Beijing News article notes that the address of Puyi’s former residence was #40 East Guanying Hutong 东冠英胡同40号院 (formerly #23 East Guanyin Temple Hutong 东观音寺胡同23号), but that the two properties abut each other and are “practically a single unit.”

However, Beijing Morning Post consulted with the Xicheng Culture Committee for clarification and then published a follow-up report: Puyi’s house was actually demolished back in the 1990s when the surrounding neighborhood was redeveloped, and the South Caochang Hutong building currently being torn down is an entirely unrelated property used for district government business. The confusion apparently stems from the fact that the two properties shared an identical layout and architecture.

Links and Sources

Danwei is an affiliate of the Australian Centre on China in the World at The Australian National University. This posting is a result of one project that is part of that on-going collaboration.

China Heritage Quarterly and East Asian History are two other publications supported by the Australian Centre on China in the World.

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Beijing in my memory, London in my eyes

media-upload

This is the 1510 Digest, a weekly roundup of recent essays and articles published in Chinese on My1510.cn, with links to translations on the Marco Polo Project.

This week’s digest proposes to look back at the London Olympics and the commentaries they received from Chinese intellectuals online – comparisons with Beijing 2008, or broader reflections on the roles of the media, business interests and the State in organised sports.

Beijing in my memory, London in my eyes
By Bai Yansong, 02 August 2012
This text circulated widely on the Chinese internet, although it did not appear on 1510. It offers a patriotic boost to the readers, and an encouragement to positively acknowledge Chinese achievements since the Beijing Olympics. Bai Yansong favourably compares the Beijing ceremony to the London one – though the latter combined humour and economy, the former was an unparalleled achievement, bringing 5,000 years of Chinese history for the first time within the Olympic tradition. But mostly, the post deplores the ongoing discriminatory attitude of the Western media, who still discriminate against China, and encourages readers to think more highly of their own country.
Marco Polo translation: Beijing in my memory, London in my eyes
Original link: 我所经历的北京,我所看到的伦敦

How can an unstructured sports system be good?
By Guo Xianyuan, 05 August 2012
This ironic essay proposes a reflection on the Chinese national sports system along a sociological line of analysis. Guo Xianyuan starts from the premise that, since Beijing 2008, the ‘Olympic Spirit’ had disappeared, replaced by a desire to showcase the strength of China to the world. At the time, he criticized the elitism of the games – ordinary Chinese people could not participate; they were not even welcome to watch the games in Beijing. What is the significance of the games for ordinary Chinese citizens, and how representative are those selected to go? The system actually caters to the status and honour of those in power more than it serves the interest of the common people. The article then goes to to question whether the current system for training athletes is indeed efficient, whether it is within ‘the Chinese tradition’, and whether it should receive popular support as a way to increase Chinese soft power.
Marco Polo translation: How can an unstructured sports system be good?
Original link: 伦敦奥运:举国体制根本就没有体制,何来是好体制?

The Business Logic behind Liu Xiang’s fall
By Feng Qingyang, 08 August 2012
Liu Xiang, 110 meter hurdler, is one of the most commercially successful Chinese athletes, and a cultural icon for China. In the London Olympics, he crashed into the first hurdle at the beginning of his run, and withdrew from the competition, repeating a similar scenario from 2008. This post analyses the case of Liu Xiang’s withdrawal, and the business logic behind athletic stardom.
Although Liu Xiang’s injury was obviously known in advance of the race, it was not possible for him to retreat, as this would have caused massive losses to advertisers – whereas a staged fall would both allow him to keep face, and minimize losses to sponsors. The audience also played a role, as those who bought tickets at premium price wanted to get their money’s worth. A cynical business philosophy played itself out, whereby Liu Xiang abandoning the race would have seen his brand-value plummet, whereas an accidental injury turned him into an inspirational myth. To conclude, Feng Qingyang acknowledges the burden that Liu Xiang and other athletes bear, invested within the State-sponsored sports system of representing the Chinese nation.
Marco Polo translation: The Business Logic behind Liu Xiang’s fall
Original link: 刘翔摔倒背后的商业逻辑

Chinese cynicism about the London Olympics
By Nanfang Bao Se, 09 August 2012
During the London Olympics, a series of details, rightly or wrongly observed, gave rise to dissatisfaction among Chinese people. Claims were made that Chinese athletes did not enjoy fair competition, that the bar was too high for Liu Xiang, or that Chinese medallists stood on lower podiums. All had a common these: Westerners are discriminating against China, they cannot accept the rise of China. This post, however, criticizes such affected dissatisfaction as a nationalist pose, encouraged by the Chinese media to increase national unity through a shared sense of persecution.
Marco Polo translation: Chinese cynicism about the London Olympics
Original link: 伦敦奥运上中国式的不高兴

All articles in this digest and a large range of other Chinese readings are accessible at Marcopoloproject.org. Some are available in English, French and Spanish translation. (You can join the project if you’d like to help with translations.)

Danwei is an affiliate of the Australian Centre on China in the World at The Australian National University. This posting is a result of one project that is part of that on-going collaboration.

China Heritage Quarterly and East Asian History are two other publications supported by the Australian Centre on China in the World.

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Japan to release Chinese activists

Dongguan Shibao August 17

The headline on today’s Dongguan Times: “Japanese illegally detain people on China’s protected Diaoyu Islands, our Minister of Foreign Affairs again urged Japan to immediately release the people and their boat.”

The article describes China and Japan’s recent scuffle over the islands, and says “the Japanese plan to repatriate our 14 island guards tonight.” The Diaoyu islands are a group of islands claimed by China, Taiwan and Japan. The most recent incident started on the afternoon of August 15, when a group of seven activists from the Hong Kong-based “Action Committee for Defending the Diaoyu Islands” took a fishing boat into the vicinity of the islands and swam ashore.

Upon arriving on shore, five activists were immediately arrested by Japan’s Okinawa Prefecture Police for violating immigration control law on Uotsurijima (the Japanese name for the island). The remaining two swam back to their boat.  Subsequently, the Japanese Coast Guard arrested all nine Hong Kong nationals who were still on that boat, trying to protect China’s sovereignty over the island.

The Dongguan Times says that, following the precedent of a similar case from 2004, the Japanese held a short trial for the detained Chinese nationals (five of whom were from Hong Kong, one from Macao and one from the mainland) and will release them immediately after so as not to exacerbate international tensions.

Already, there have been protests all over mainland China demanding the release of the 14 Chinese nationals. The China Daily reports that more than 100 citizens in Binzhou City, Shandong province joined an anti-Japanese march on Thursday morning, waving banners with slogans like “Safeguard territory”, “Boycott Japanese products”, and “Defend Diaoyu Islands.’ Groups of people also gathered outside the Japanese Embassy in Beijing and the Japanese general consulate in Shanghai. Among those  gathered outside the Embassy in Beijing, two were senior citizens who threw eggs at the Embassy. They were persuaded to leave.

This story has made headlines across China for the past two days. The most popular picture newspapers used on Thursday, August 16, showed activists carrying three flags onto the Diaoyu islands: two from the PRC and one from Taiwan. Yet the Shanghaiist noticed that the Xiamen Economic Daily photoshopped the Taiwanese flag out of the picture so that it looked instead like a flag from the PRC. Other newspapers took a slightly more honest approach and simply placed headlines strategically to hide the Taiwanese flag. Click here for images of the Xiamen Economic Times photoshopping and other strategically-placed headlines.

 

Links and Sources
Dongguan Times: 日本非法抓扣中国保钓人士,我外交部再次敦促日方立即放人放船 
Danwei: Chinese activists arrested by Japan on disputed Diaoyu Islands
China Daily: Protests continue over Diaoyu Islands row ; Demonstrations grow over Diaoyu Islands
Global Times: China holds “firm stance” over Diaoyu Islands
Shanghaiist: HK activists detained on Diaoyu Islands as South Koreans swim to Dokdo
Xiamen newspaper photoshops Taiwanese flag out of Diaoyu Islands photo

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‘Collective holiday’ in Shenyang residential community

Shenyang Evening News 16 Aug 2012

Shenyang Evening News reports today that the property management department of Peng Cheng Gardens community in the city has declared a one month collective holiday.

Hence the community is not being guarded properly and the garbage is strewn everywhere. The reason for the one month collective holiday is that the staff have not been paid for two months, which in turn is part of a wider struggle between the management and the owners where the two sides have been unable to reach agreement on pay increases.Due thus to the complete lack of staff in the community, a strange situation is playing itself out at Peng Cheng Gardens. When a journalist went to check it out, he found garbage everywhere, not a single guard in place, and kids were using nets to try and catch the gold fish in the small lake in the community.

Links and sources
Shenyang Evening News (沈阳晚报)
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